After Years of Surpluses, California Headed Toward a Deficit

SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP) — From a budget perspective, the first four years of California Gov. Gavin Newsom’s time in office has been a fairy tale: A seemingly endless flow of money that paid to enact some of the country’s most progressive policies while acting as a bulwark against a tide of conservative rulings on abortion and guns from the U.S. Supreme Court.

But just days into his second term, that dream appeared to be ending. Tuesday, Newsom announced California likely won’t collect enough money in taxes to pay for all of its obligations, leaving a $22.5 billion hole in its budget.

The deficit was not a surprise. Newsom and the state’s budget writers have been signaling for well over a year that California was sailing into economic headwinds. The news on Tuesday was Newsom offering his first plan of what to do about it.

Notably, Newsom chose not to dip into the state’s $35.6 billion savings account. And he proposed no significant cuts to major programs and services, including vowing to protect programs that pay for all 4-year-olds to go to kindergarten and cover the health expenses for low-income immigrants living in the country without legal permission.

Instead, Newsom plans to delay some spending while shifting some expenses to other funding sources outside of the state’s general fund. He has proposed $9.6 billion in cuts, including canceling a planned $750 million payment on a federal loan the state took to cover unemployment benefits for people who lost their job during the pandemic.

Whether that plan holds will depend on what the state’s finances look like after April 15, when most residents file their state income tax returns. Newsom and legislative leaders don’t have to approve a spending plan until the end of June.

“We have a wait—and-see approach in this budget in terms of being cautious and being prepared,” Newsom said.

But Newsom appeared somewhat pessimistic about the future as he scaled back some of his ambitious climate proposals, cutting his much heralded five-year, $54 billion investment to $48 billion.

Newsom tried to downplay that cut, arguing the $48 billion is still one of the largest climate investments in the world and that the state would seek to recover some of that lost money from other sources.

Still, it was enough of a cut to anger some climate groups who had been heartened by the state’s commitment to combating climate change in recent budgets.

“We have to sustain our commitment to climate action every year. This proposed budget doesn’t do that,” said Mary Creasman, CEO of California Environmental Voters. “To further delay these investments will further compound the climate crisis and the cost of inaction will be far worse.”

Democrats control all of state government in California, leaving Republicans with little influence on policy and budget decisions. State Sen. Roger Niello, the top Republican on the state Senate’s budget-writing committee, said lawmakers need to focus on areas where the state is already spending lots of money with few results — like homelessness.

“Generally speaking, we wouldn’t suggest necessarily that we spend more but spend smarter,” Niello said.

Despite the looming deficit, Newsom wants to give local governments an extra $1 billion for homelessness programs — money he vowed would come with an extra dose of accountability after not being happy with how some locals have been spending state resources.

Public schools were mostly shielded from cuts in Newsom’s proposal, with one exception. Newsom cut $1.2 billion from a grant program that was aimed at paying for instruction in arts and music but which most districts had planed to use it to help pay down their pension obligations, according to Kevin Gordon, a lobbyist who represents most public school districts.

Still, Gordon said it was “stunning” that schools avoided deep cuts in a budget with a projected $22.5 billion deficit.

Other deficit actions were more subtle. California is one of five states and the District of Columbia that taxes people who refuse to purchase health insurance. The money from that tax goes into an account that was supposed to help low-income people pay their health insurance premiums. Newsom proposed taking the money in that account — $333.4 million — and sweeping it into the state’s general fund to help balance the budget.

“It’s exactly in economic downturns where this kind of help to afford coverage is even more urgent” said Anthony Wright, president of the consumer advocacy group Health Access. “We will be advocating with the Legislature to see if that can be continued.”

While the deficit got most of the attention on Tuesday, Newsom did propose some new spending. He wants to spend $93 million combating fentanyl, a synthetic drug similar to opioids that has caused countless overdose deaths. The money would come from the state’s share of legal settlement with pharmaceutical companies over opioids.

Newsom also wants to spend $3.5 million in education money to provide all middle schools and high schools with at least two doses of naloxone — a medicine used to reverse an opioid overdose.

“This is a top priority if you’re a parent,” Newsom said. “I don’t think there’s a parent that doesn’t understand the significance of this fentanyl crisis.”

California’s deficit is a sharp turnaround from the previous year, when California had a surplus of around $100 billion. That money that mostly came from a soaring stock market that made lots of Californians very rich, who then paid taxes on that new wealth.

Since then, the federal government’s attempts to reign in inflation have had a chilling effect on the economy, meaning rich people are not making as much money. That’s significant in California, where the top 1% of earners account for nearly half of all the state’s income taxes.

So far this year, California’s tax revenues have been well below expectations. If those declines continue, more action could be needed to cover the deficit.

Click here to read the full article in AP News

Spending Plans Will Run Up Against Fiscal Reality

Gavin NewsomGavin Newsom was recently inaugurated as California’s 40th governor, taking over a general-fund budget that is flush with cash and a state government that is in remarkably good shape — at least superficially — from a fiscal perspective. For all his flaws, outgoing Gov. Jerry Brown left Newsom with a $15 billion surplus and a rainy day fund that is nearly full. As an added plus, the economy that is humming along even though an erratic stock market points to storm clouds on the horizon.

The big question is whether Newsom will heed Brown’s advice and govern as if there’s always a recession around the corner — or ignore the former governor’s warnings about Democratic lawmakers who always say “yes” to any “harebrained” spending scheme. Unfortunately, based on Newsom’s inaugural words, initial budget and many of his early high-level administrative appointments, the safe money is on the latter. Newsom wants to spend big.

One need not read between the lines in Newsom’s introductory words. He spelled it out clearly. Newsom pointed to Brown’s inaugural address, which quoted from the Sermon on the Mount. There was the foolish man who built a house on sand and the wise man who built it on rock. “For eight years, California has built a foundation of rock,” Newsom said. “Our job now is not to rest on that foundation. It is to build our house upon it.”

So now that the state is on solid financial footing, the new governor envisions a rapid expansion of government social programs. “We will support parents so they can give their kids the love and care they need, especially in those critical early years when so much development occurs,” Newsom said. That speaks to the $1.8 billion in early childhood programs that the new governor is touting. The term “we,” of course, refers to California’s taxpayers.

“We will launch a Marshall Plan for affordable housing and lift up the fight against homelessness from a local matter to a state-wide mission,” he added. The term “Marshall Plan” is not subtle. That was the American financial assistance program to help Western Europe rebuild after the devastation of World War II, at a cost of $100 billion in current dollars.

Continuing the metaphor of California as a home, Newsom added that “In our home, every person should have access to quality, affordable health care.” He has long advocated for some type of universal healthcare coverage (although not necessarily the single-payer system that failed to make it through the Legislature in 2017), and some of his most noteworthy aides have a background in promoting government healthcare programs.

“Everyone in California should have a good job with fair pay,” he said. “Every child should have a great school and a teacher who is supported and respected. Every young person should be able to go to college without crushing debt or to get the training they need to compete and succeed. And every senior should be able to retire with security and live at home with dignity.” Those are vague, feel-good ideas that would garner few objections. But his ideas for implementing them, such as his bidget plan for free community college, will come with a hefty price tag.

There will be plenty of time to dissect the specific policy proposals that will move forward as the legislative session gets under way. For instance, the community college idea is a particularly bad one. California community colleges already are inexpensive. Making the second year of tuition “free” (the first year already is free for first-time California students) will only clog up the classrooms with free riders, thus making it tougher for those students who are serious about getting an education to get classes and improve their job prospects.

However, the main purpose of this article is to provide a warning amid the exuberance of a new gubernatorial administration. Basically, that financial foundation might be built less on rock and more on sand than many of us would like to believe.

There’s no complaining about the size of the budget surplus and rainy day fund, but there’s more to a budget than those items. As a comprehensive new California Policy Center report from Ed Ring and Marc Joffe points out, “We estimate that California’s total state and local government debt as of 6/30/2017 totaled just over $1.5 trillion. That total includes all outstanding bonds, loans, and other long-term liabilities, along with the officially reported unfunded liability for other post-employment benefits (primarily retiree healthcare), as well as unfunded pension liabilities.” That’s a 15-percent increase from two years ago—and a number that equals 54 percent of the gross state product.

The Brown administration had done little to deal with the unfunded liabilities. Its one major pension reform law, the Public Employees’ Pension Reform Act, was exceedingly modest. In the waning days of his administration, Brown’s attorneys argued before the state Supreme Court for changes in the “California Rule,” which restricts the ability of governments to reduce pension benefits going forward. That’s still unresolved and Newsom already has made clear his opposition to changes in pensions—and one of his top aides comes out of the California Labor Federation.

Bottom line: Just because the general-fund budget is in good shape does not mean that California’s overall fiscal picture is all that bright. A responsible new administration would attempt to fix those problems, which are crowding out public services at the local and state level, before engaging in a spending spree that will add to the state burden. Newsom’s early budget hits $209 billion overall and includes a grabbag of new programs, although he does send money to pay off some pension debt and is bolstering the rainy day fund.

The outgoing governor increased taxes early and often. It’s unwise to add new burdens on taxpayers, especially given that economic boom times always are followed by a bust and many Californians continue to flee the state’s high tax burden. Newsom already is proposing new fees on water and 911 service.

California’s most notorious public-policy disasters have come, counter-intuitively, during the best fiscal times, when revenues were swelling and budgets were flush with cash. The best example came in 1999, when Gov. Gray Davis signed a law that caused a pension-hiking frenzy and led directly to the state’s debt crisis. The stock market was riding high and the California Public Employees’ Retirement System (CalPERS) promised that increasing pensions by 50 percent retroactively wouldn’t cost taxpayers a dime because market returns would cover the costs.

It didn’t cost a dime, but cost billions of dollars annually in general-fund payments and added hundreds of billions of dollars in taxpayer-backed liabilities. The biggest danger to California is now a governor who believes that the state is in such great financial shape that he can start spending with wild abandon. He will not be restrained by the Legislature, which now has strong Democratic super-majorities that are itching to spend money. We don’t want to wish for an economic downturn, a stock-market crash or another busted housing bubble, but that appears to be the only hope right now to derail the coming spending train.

This column was first published by the California Policy Center.

Steven Greenhut is Western region director for the R Street Institute. Write to him at sgreenhut@rstreet.org.

CA Budget: 9% increase considered “frugal” by Democrats

California Gov. Jerry Brown points to a chart showing the growth of the state's Rainy Day fund as as he discusses his proposed 2018-19 state budget at a news conference Wednesday, Jan. 10, 2018, in Sacramento, Calif. Brown proposed a $131.7 billion state spending plan, dedicating $5 billion toward the fund. (AP Photo/Rich Pedroncelli)

When the annual California budget debate began inearnest with Gov. Jerry Brown’s release of a proposed 2018-19 fiscal plan in January, progressives were ready to go with a long list of new spending proposals. Many hoped to both expand the social safety net and to make existing state welfare programs more generous.

But nearly six months later, as final work on the budget wraps up, Brown’s dominance of state finances has gone all but unchallenged. Any assumption that a lame-duck governor in his final year would have less clout has long since been disproved.

For the fiscal year which begins Sunday, the state will have a $138.6 billion general fund. Spending on special funds dedicated to specific programs and on bond debt will bring the total overall budget to $199.6 billion.

Brown made some concessions during the budget process. The state will spend an additional $600 million on programs to help local governments deal with homelessness; give an additional $344 million to the CSU and UC systems; and provide $90 million more for monthly CALworks welfare payments.

But new spending is dwarfed by the billions of dollars the state continues to set aside in reserves. Nearly $14 billion is expected to be in the state’s “rainy day” fund and $2 billion more in other funds by the end of fiscal 2018-19 – so much so that the state may soon have to cut the sales tax to prevent reserves from exceeding constitutional limits.

The governor has emphasized building up reserves because of his frequently voiced belief that the state is overdue for a recession. Because by far the state’s biggest source of money is income and capital-gains taxes paid by the very wealthy, revenue can plunge rapidly when Silicon Valley stumbles. A decade ago, in the first fiscal year after the Great Recession, revenue fell $20 billion – leading to cuts in spending on public education and welfare programs under Brown’s predecessor, Arnold Schwarzenegger.

The freshness of this budget pain in the memories of dozens of long-serving state lawmakers has made even some ardent liberals open to the governor’s relative frugality.

No expansion of Medi-Cal to undocumented adults

This was evident in the resolution of the fight over access to Medi-Cal, the state program providing health care to the poor. Some Bay Area and Los Angeles County Democrats pushed hard for giving regular, full access to the subsidized care to older unauthorized immigrants, not just to children, as is now the case.

But the governor never budged. All progressives got out of Brown was an agreement to form a commission that will “broadly study California’s health care needs” – a concession that was dismissed as meaningless by some groups which had hoped for much more, according to a Los Angeles Times report. Cynthia Buiza, executive director of the California Immigrant Policy Center, told the Times that the “budget deal is devastating for the health of all that call California home. … We are specifically disappointed that our low-income immigrant neighbors, friends, colleagues and communities will continue to suffer from [Medi-Cal] exclusion.”

Republican lawmakers were largely on the sidelines in shaping the budget. While some praise Brown for restraining his fellow Democrats, others challenge the narrative that he is frugal. A recent budget op-ed in the Los Angeles Times offered some support for this skepticism. It noted that total spending will go up by 9 percent from the current fiscal year to the next one – more than four times the rate of inflation.

California’s Budget Process Should Worry Every Taxpayer

California Gov. Jerry Brown points to a chart showing the growth of the state's Rainy Day fund as as he discusses his proposed 2018-19 state budget at a news conference Wednesday, Jan. 10, 2018, in Sacramento, Calif. Brown proposed a $131.7 billion state spending plan, dedicating $5 billion toward the fund. (AP Photo/Rich Pedroncelli)

Let’s face it, when it comes to the state budget of California, most citizens suffer from MEGO (My Eyes Glaze Over).  Because even public finance experts are confused by the thousands of pages of budget documents, it’s no wonder that citizen taxpayers don’t stand a chance. Besides, normal people are too busy working hard to pay for all the spending increases reflected in the budget.

Nonetheless, passage of the state budget remains one of the most important functions of the Legislature because it reflects the state’s spending priorities for years in the future.  Here are some key takeaways that should concern every California taxpayer.

First, government spending is out of control. While projected revenues are up eight percent – a good thing – from a year ago, expenditures continue to accelerate at a faster clip, up by nearly eleven percent to a record $138 billion budget. When other state funds, including special funds, are added to the total, nearly $200 billion in state funds will be spent in this budget. Legislators will argue that some of these expenditures are going to bolster a rainy day fund to protect against an economic downturn. While this fund is also at a record $14 billion, this will hardly protect state programs even in the event of even a moderate recession.  Second, we doubt that the spending priorities of politicians reflect what taxpayers think are important.  For example, this year’s budget includes a billion-dollar plan to completely remodel the State Capitol, while the state continues to lose ground on nearly a trillion dollars of unfunded pension obligations.

Finally, as in prior years, the 2018-19 budget is a vehicle for numerous abuses. It is now common to enact politically motivated legislation as so-called budget “trailer bills” as a means to avoid any meaningful analysis and public hearings.  This column previously alerted readers to one such sneak attack, a precedent-setting tax on water that thankfully was beaten back – at least for now.  But two other proposed bills represent the worst of Sacramento special-interest politics.

Two years ago, the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association sponsored Assembly Bill 195 (Obernolte), a bill that increased transparency for local bonds and special taxes by requiring disclosure of the rate, duration and amount of revenue to be raised. AB 195 mandates that these important facts be included in the actual ballot label, typically the last thing voters read before deciding.

Now, education lobbyists and building trades groups are attempting to delay the implementation of AB 195 for local bonds by two years, to keep this important information from being presented to voters. In other words, our legislators are using a corrupt, non-transparent process to deprive local voters of transparency regarding the cost of bonds at the local level.  This is a double insult to taxpayers. …

Click here to read the full article from the San Bernardino Sun

State gets an “F” for claiming surplus instead of $270 billion deficit

California Gov. Jerry Brown points to a chart showing the growth of the state's Rainy Day fund as as he discusses his proposed 2018-19 state budget at a news conference Wednesday, Jan. 10, 2018, in Sacramento, Calif. Brown proposed a $131.7 billion state spending plan, dedicating $5 billion toward the fund. (AP Photo/Rich Pedroncelli)

The non-partisan “Truth in Accounting” project, which analyzes government financial reports, has awarded California an “F” grade for claiming surpluses instead of a $269.9 billion deficit.

The Chicago-based organization has been providing in-depth accounting reviews of the audited financial statements for America’s fifty states, as well as most major counties and major cities, in the United States since 2002.

The group’s mission is to educate and empower citizens with understandable, reliable, and transparent government financial information.

California received the lowest score of “F” on Truth in Accounting’s grading scale because despite Gov. Jerry Brown touting several years of surpluses, California actually faces a $269.9 billion shortfall in terms of its overall obligations, which equates to $22,000 burden for each of the 12.3 million taxpayers in the state.

California’s financial burden is primarily associated with the rapidly deteriorating condition of the state’s current $461.3 billion in promised public employee retirement benefits –which are $102.5 billion under-funded by the pension plan — and $107 billion for unfunded retiree health care benefits.

The State of California faced a near financial death experience in Great Recession, when the average taxpayer burden jumped from $15,000 to $23,500. Newly elected Gov. Brown, facing a $25 billion deficit in 2011, passed an array of income and sales tax hikes, including a 29 percent increase for Californians with taxable income over $1 million.

Gov. Brown has touted the “California Comeback.” But the data demonstrate that despite the gusher of tax revenue the flooded into Sacramento from the economic recovery and the substantially higher tax rates Gov. Brown passed, the state’s taxpayer burden only fell modestly to $20,900 by 2015. The taxpayer burden rose to $21,600 in 2016 and hit $22,000 in 2017, the second-highest in the history of the state.

Truth in Accounting Founder Sheila Weinberg warns that California is a giant “Sinkhole Sate.” Ms. Weinberg is especially critical of Gov. Brown  claiming an $8.8 billion surplus this year, while avoiding the fact that California has only $100.1 billion in available assets to pay $369.9 billion worth of bills.

Weinberg emphasized to Breitbart News that California’s rising “taxpayer burden” is only for net state liabilities. Her organization intends to begin publishing consolidated reports this summer for all the states that will also capture the liabilities of counties and cities. Ms. Weinberg expects that the combined taxpayer burden for California to be a much higher number.

This article was originally published by Breitbart.com/California

Jerry Brown to Leave Office With $13.5 Billion Rainy Day Fund

California Gov. Jerry Brown has submitted his May revised 2018-2019 budget, which indicates he will leave office in January with the maximum $13.5 billion rainy-day fund.

Brown, a liberal Democrat, has complained that no politician should face the type of catastrophic financial crisis he inherited when he returned at age 72 on January 3, 2011 for his third term as the state’s chief executive officer.

At the time, outgoing Republican Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger’s finance department was forecasting a $28.5 billion deficit over the next 18 months and California had been already been downgraded by to the lowest credit rating of any state in the nation.

Most political observers thought Brown might be the worst possible California governor for the crisis, given that after being termed out of office after eight years in 1983, he left newly elected Republican Gov. George Deukmejian with what was considered at the time a hellacious budget deficit of $1.5 billion. …

Click here to read the full article from Breitbart.com/California

Gov. Jerry Brown’s last budget grows to $199 billion

Gov. Jerry Brown is using a surging, $8.8 billion surplus in his 16th and final year leading the state to stash billions of dollars in reserves.

He wants to put almost all of the additional money — $7.6 billion of it — into two reserve funds that combined would hold $17 billion a year from now if trends hold.

He warned at a press conference Friday where he unveiled his final budget for the 2018-19 financial year that a recession could be just around the corner and the state should avoid long-term commitments that it might not be able to afford in a downturn.

“This is a time to save for our future, not to make pricey promises we can’t keep. I said it before and I’ll say it again: Let’s not blow it now,” Brown said.

His plans calls for $137.6 billion in general fund spending and $199.3 billion in total spending. Those sums reflect the dramatic turnaround in the state’s fortunes since Brown took office in the throes of a recession eight years ago. …

Click here to read the full article from the Modesto Bee

Gov. Brown warns of recession, but his budget sets spending records

California Gov. Jerry Brown points to a chart showing the growth of the state's Rainy Day fund as as he discusses his proposed 2018-19 state budget at a news conference Wednesday, Jan. 10, 2018, in Sacramento, Calif. Brown proposed a $131.7 billion state spending plan, dedicating $5 billion toward the fund. (AP Photo/Rich Pedroncelli)

SACRAMENTO – Gov. Jerry Brown’s annual budgets have become familiar affairs. During his last two terms in office, Brown routinely offered a budget plan that broke spending records, but also was designed to limit the creation of new programs while girding against the possibility of another recession. The governor’s budget release from last Thursday was true to form.

Brown’s 2018-2019 budget plan would spend a record $132 billion in the general fund – which is 4 percent higher than last year and 44 percent higher than the first budget he released in his modern gubernatorial terms (2011-2012). The total budget – including spending from bonds and special funds – tops $190 billion. As columnist Dan Walters points out, Brown’s first-ever budget from the 1970s spent only $11.5 billion in the general fund.

But Brown touted his infamous chart showing that balanced budgets often have been followed by deficits.  “California has faced 10 recessions since World War II and we must prepare for the eleventh. Yes, we have had some very good years and program spending has steadily increased. Let’s not blow it now,” he said in his budget statement.

The governor also warned about the ramifications of the recent federal tax plan, signed by President Trump, which increases the tax bite on high-income Californians by limiting their ability to write off state and local taxes. Unless the state Legislature passes a workaround (such as a proposed plan that allows Californians to designate their state tax payments as a “charitable contribution”), the new rules are expected to reduce revenues in high-tax states.

There are other steps that followed in a more fiscally conservative manner. Following the recent increase in the gas tax and vehicle-license fees, the new budget showed a healthy surplus. Instead of spending it on new programs, Brown has earmarked $5 billion to the state’s rainy day fund. That’s $3.5 billion more this year than he is obligated to set aside in case of a coming downturn. It brings the total fund to $13.5 billion.

These efforts drew praise from across the political spectrum for their prudency. As the San Francisco Chronicle opined, Brown’s “proposed budget, drenched in a $7 billion surplus, spends money sparingly, dumps dollars into a record rainy-day fund, and dodges big-ticket programs favored by his would-be successors.” Democratic legislators and statewide elected officials likewise praised the governor for spending more without breaking the bank.

He even earned the faint praise of some Republicans legislators, who fear that the next Democratic governor will be far more eager to spend beyond Californians’ means. “As usual, the governor gave a good speech this morning,” said Sen. Jeff Stone, R-Temecula. “But as has been the case far too often, the initial budget is the floor and I’m sure the Democrat leadership in Sacramento will now begin the spending spree we all know is coming.” Other Republicans argued that the surplus proved that the gas-tax hike was unnecessary – and urged the governor to return the surplus to taxpayers.

There are a number of other noteworthy spending proposals. For instance, the governor plans to quickly start spending $4.6 billion in road improvements, which some observers believe could blunt the momentum of a proposed statewide initiative, which is now in the signature-gathering stage, that would repeal the unpopular tax. The governor also proposes spending nearly 3 percent more on California State University and the University of California systems – a proposal that drew criticism as being insufficient from some education officials. Total K-12 spending would be up by 2.5 percent.

Of particular note, the governor proposes the creation of a new fully online state community college to serve the “2.5 million Californians in the prime working ages between 25 and 34 who have only a high school diploma or some college but no degree.” Brown says these Californians – mostly Latino and women – are most vulnerable to recession and to automation in the workplace. The proposed cost to get started is approximately $100 million and then $20 million a year.

Social services spending remained stable. The budget boosts health care spending but contains some uncertainty, pending a coming decision from Congress regarding whether it will continue to split the costs of the Children’s Health Insurance Program with the states. The governor continues to boost funding for programs to combat climate change. He continues to pay down the so-called “Wall of Debt,” which hit $35 billion in 2011 and is down to $6 billion in this budget year.

One big fiscal issue, that doesn’t directly affect the current, proposed budget, involves the state’s growing payments to cover its unfunded pension liabilities. “When the next recession comes around, the governor will have the option of considering pension cutbacks for the first time in a long time,” the governor said at a press conference. They will, he said, be on the “chopping block.”

Brown was referring to a series of cases that the California Supreme Court has agreed to review this year involving something known as the “California Rule.” That refers to a series of decisions dating to 1955, which forbid government from cutting pension benefits for current employees even going forward (i.e., you accrue the promised benefit through today, but start earning a lower amount starting tomorrow).

Unions have challenged some changes in the governor’s 2013 pension-reform law. Brown’s legal team submitted a brief to the court that defends not only the reform law, but which seems to back broader changes to the rule. Clearly, the governor expects the court to side with him, which would not only give the state more latitude in reining in spending, but local governments, too.

That’s a longer-term picture, but in the short term the budget proposal is pure Jerry Brown. He wants to spend more on government programs, but wants to be certain that the state isn’t committing itself to huge new spending obligations if the economy goes soft.

Steven Greenhut is Western region director for the R Street Institute. Write to him at sgreenhut@rstreet.org.

This article was originally published by CalWatchdog.com

What taxpayers should know about the California budget

BudgetCalifornia voters are pretty good at figuring out what is going in the state capital when it hits them directly. For example, recent polling shows that citizen awareness of the $5.2 billion annual gas and car tax is very high and, incidentally, very negative.

But the same can’t be said when it comes to the more complicated and arcane actions of our state politicians such as the annual California state budget process. While Californians are painfully aware that taxes are very high (they’ve been watching their friends and neighbors moving out of state at record pace) they typically have little comprehension of where their tax dollars go. That’s not surprising since California ranks dead last in budget transparency according to a recent study by U.S. News & World Report.

Nonetheless, here are the main takeaways that every California taxpayer should know.

First, the budget is huge – over $125 billion in general fund spending – by far the largest budget in California history. Since the recovery began after the great recession, taxpayers have infused California’s General Fund with $41 billion and special funds by $28 billion. That translates into a 63 percent increase since 2010. And property owners have done their part as well. With real estate values fully recovered (and then some) property tax revenues are up 72 percent. This is where our schools get the lion’s share of their money.

Second, the budget is only balanced if you ignore debt. The majority party is practically breaking their arms trying to pat themselves on the back for a “balanced budget.” This is like a family celebrating the fact that they paid all their bills this month but ignoring the fact that they have a mortgage that is way beyond their means over the long term. California’s pension debt is, by some measurements, close to a trillion dollars.

Third, the budget is, as usual, full of tricks and questionable accounting. One of the more dubious ploys involves borrowing from special funds. This year, there’s a proposal to borrow $6 billion (with a “b”) from the state’s Surplus Money Investment Fund to reduce the unfunded liability of the state’s pension fund, PERS. While there is agreement that appropriating more money to PERS now helps to reduce unfunded liability in the future, that payment should come from current revenue, not a special account designed to cover ongoing operating expenses.  Let’s call this for what it is: Paying your Visa bill with your MasterCard.

The budget is being praised for adding a couple billion more to the state’s rainy day fund (technically called the Budget Stabilization Account) bringing it to over $8.4 billion. But recall during the last recession, the budget shortfall was many times that amount. Thus, while it seems like a lot of money, the state’s reserve funds remain woefully inadequate. You can’t save a penny a day for a couple of years and think it will be enough to fix the roof when it collapses.

Other trickery includes several dozen so-called “trailer bills.” These are supposed to be budget related bills – many are not – that can pass with a simple majority vote and are not subject to citizen referendum. Because they can be jammed through on short notice without citizen recourse, they are a favorite tool of the majority party to effectuate big policy changes. Two examples of this are the gutting of the California Board of Equalization – one of the few state tax agencies in America actually accountable to voters – and a blatantly political power grab by changing the law as it relates to recall elections designed solely to throw a lifeline to a tax-and-spend democrat who cast the deciding vote on the gas and car tax hike.

Bottom line? The majority party has adopted laws and policies which will unquestionably push state spending permanently higher by expanding programs, increasing welfare costs and giving their political funders – labor unions – higher compensation via costly collective bargaining agreements. Our elected leadership is driving California right off the cliff.  Thelma & Louise would be proud.

Jon Coupal is president of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association.

This piece was originally published by the Orange County Register 

California Budget: Balanced and progressive or out of control?

Jerry Brown Budget 2017SACRAMENTO – The California Assembly and Senate have until Thursday to approve the budget deal announced by Gov. Jerry Brown last week, but there’s little uncertainty about the outcome. The general-fund budget is a record-setting $125 billion – something Brown describes as “balanced and progressive,” given that it spends more on social programs, but doesn’t bust the bank.

In fact, the budget plan conforms almost exactly to the governor’s longtime fiscal approach. He wants to fund social programs as much as possible, but not create new, permanent spending programs that cannot be curtailed when fiscal times are bad. He talks repeatedly about frugality, yet his budgets continue to ramp up state spending to record levels. He did set aside $8.5 billion for the rainy-day fund to prepare for any downturn.

Even the governor’s approach to the state’s unfunded pension liabilities is prototypical Brown. The governor speaks regularly about the size of the state debt to pay for pensions and retiree medical programs, but he typically addresses the problem with small-scale solutions that trim debt levels without antagonizing state workers and the unions that represent them.

This particular deal would borrow money from a state fund that pays a low interest rate, and pay down some of the state’s pension debt by investing it with the California Public Employees’ Retirement System, which predicts a fairly high rate of return (7 percent). Brown says this plan will save the state $11 billion over the next two decades simply because of the difference in interest rates.

In terms of spending, the budget uses $1.2 billion in new revenues from the state’s recently passed tax increase on tobacco to help pay for growing costs to Medi-Cal, the state health program for low-income residents. But about half of those new revenues will be earmarked to health care providers and to family-planning entities like Planned Parenthood. It expands spending on the state’s K-14 educational system.

The budget also expands spending for both of the state’s university systems (the University of California and California State University), but the nearly $300 million combined in increased higher education spending comes with some conditions. The plan withholds $50 million from the University of California until the Office of the President fulfills the recommendations made earlier this year by a state auditor. It also requires California State University officials to “find space for students denied entry to their preferred campus or program,” according to the Sacramento Bee.

The budget increases spending on subsidized affordable-housing programs by $400 million. The budget also will allow more people to take advantage of the state-level Earned Income Tax Credit. Under new criteria, low-income people earning up to $22,000 a year will qualify for state EITC payments, up nearly $8,000 from previous standards. The new eligibility standards also apply to people who work for ridesharing companies or are involved in other forms of self-employment, according to various news sources. The budget doesn’t include an extension of the cap-and-trade system, although the system is likely to be extended in separate legislation.

Furthermore, the budget spends $100 million to set up a new agency to deal with the legalization of recreational marijuana sales, including the creation of a tax office along the Redwood Coast in the heart of marijuana-growing country.

The whole budget, which includes all spending (from bonds, etc.) totals $183.2 billion. But the biggest controversies are not around the amount of money the state will spend. The Legislature used the trailer-bill process – normally reserved for technical amendments to budget matters – to pass some controversial, nonbudget-related matters.

For instance, Democrats are fighting a recall measure against state Sen. Josh Newman of Fullerton. Republicans targeted him because of his vote on the recently passed gas-tax increase. One trailer bill in the budget would extend the timelines for the recall, making it more likely that the election would be put on a regularly scheduled ballot timeframe that would be more favorable to the Democratic incumbent. Another trailer bill would reduce the power of elected officials in the state Board of Equalization, a tax board. Yet another creates new dam-safety rules, following problems at the Oroville Dam spillway last winter.

Still, what Democrats described as responsible drew some rebuke from Republicans, who note that general-fund spending is nearly $40 billion higher in this budget than it was six years ago. Balanced and progressive or out of control? It depends on which side of the aisle one sits on. But everyone at least agrees that it’s basically in balance.

Steven Greenhut is Western region director for the R Street Institute. Write to him at sgreenhut@rstreet.org.

This article was originally published by CalWatchdog.com